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Review of Literature - Dissertation Example

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Worldwide, countries have placed a strong emphasis on school attendance as a key strategy for educating their young towards adulthood, citizenship, and productivity. Typically, countries have adopted a form or system of compulsory education…
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?Review of Literature Introduction Worldwide, countries have placed a strong emphasis on school attendance as a key strategy for educating their young towards adulthood, citizenship, and productivity. Typically, countries have adopted a form or system of compulsory education. The age range of compulsory education differ across countries and countries have various degrees of intensity and energy in implementing their compulsory education but a form of compulsory education is being implemented worldwide just the same. The young have to be exposed to education before they can even imbibe a portion of education. Even if not all of the education content is retained, exposure to the education content can lead to additional knowledge that can be useful for both the child and to the society he or she lives in. Thus, attendance is crucial and measures to improve school attendance are just as crucial as education content itself. 2. Importance of Attendance Based on the data and analysis of the National Center for Children in Poverty, around 11 percent of children in the kindergarten and about nine percent in the first grade are chronically absent (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 7). Chronic absence means that the student has at least 11 percent absences during a 180 days schooldays (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 6). Chronic absence among third grade students is about six percent (Change and Romero, 2008, p. 7). The National Center for Children in Poverty researchers even believe that the estimates are even conservative because attendance data are missing among schools serving low-income and minority students At the same time, Chang and Romero (2008, p. 4) pointed out that chronic absence can be masked even when average daily attendance appears high. In their elaboration, Chang and Romero said (2008, p. 4): “Suppose, for example, a school has 200 students and an average daily attendance rate of 95%. At this rate, 10 students are absent on any given day while 190 are present. The same 10 students, however, are not absent for all 180 days as they would be dis-enrolled. Rather, it is quite possible that the 10 students missing each day occurs because the school is serving 60 students who are taking turns being absent but when absences are added together, miss a month or more of school over the course of the school year. In summary, even in a school with 95% daily attendance, 30% of the student population could be chronically absent.” The key point of the Chang and Romero analysis (2008, p. 4) is that an absences rate of even a very small percentage like 5% can imply that a large number of students may be chronically absent from classes. Unfortunately, however, the incidence of chronic absences are high although chronic early absences from school ranged from one percent to 54.5 across schools in a district where the prevalence of chronic absences among elementary students was about 13.8 percent overall (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 7). Data from Yeide and Kobrin (2009, p. 2) proved that Chang and Romero (2008) were right about their analysis: in New York City, more than 30% of the youth were chronically absent during school year 2007-08 but the average attendance rate for each grade during the year was at least 90 percent. Yet, despite the high chronic absenteeism associated with the attendance rate of at least 90%, many schools consider 90 percent attendance rate as an acceptable target (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 2). In addition, Yeide and Kobrin (2009, p. 2) reported that dropouts are excluded from truancy calculations. The combination of chronic absenteeism, truancy, and dropouts resulted to a situation in which only about two-thirds of ninth graders were expected to graduate in New York City during the year. Studies show that chronic absenteeism is a serious problem among elementary students in the United States. For instance, in New York City, more than 20 percent of elementary school students missed at least a month of school during school year 2007-2008. There even districts of the City where around 30 percent of the elementary students were chronically absent (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 3). Prior to dropping out, students progressively absent themselves more days from school (Yeide and Kobrin 2009, citing the work of Hammond et al., 207). Absenteeism from school is correlated with crime (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 5). 3. The No Child Left Behind Program The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 is a key legislation formulated to improve student performance and “change the culture of America’s schools” (USDE, 2002, p. 9). The legislation facilitates this by requiring that states create annual assessments that measures what children know and can do in reading and math in grades 3 to 8. The tests based on state standards were expected to allow parents, educators, administrators, policymakers, and the public to track pupil performance. The tests promote accountability among schools. Performance results from the tests had been planned to be disaggregated by poverty levels, race, ethnicities, and disabilities (USDE, 2002, p. 9). The concern has been to monitor whether pupils from specific sectors are being left behind given the legislation’s resolve that no child should be left behind. Under the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (USDE, 2002, p. 10): Federal government provides assistance to help states design and administer tests. Annual student cards are expected to provide comparative information on the quality of schools. The report cards are expected by the legislation to show comparative information on the quality of the school. Further, data in the report cards are expected to be summarized or disaggregated by social groups for easier monitoring whether gaps are closing or more widely opening. Districts that do not make sufficient yearly progress will be targeted for assistance and then “subject to corrective action” and ultimately restructuring. A small sample of students from each state will be examined in reading and math yearly to help the US Department of Education monitor the results of statewide assessments. All states are required to submit plans to the Secretary of Education that includes evidence that they comply with content and achievement standards and school reporting procedures. Statewide systems and districts are accountable or the achievements of their students. Further, the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 requires that school district receiving Federal money for education need to submit attendance data to their State Government (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 3; NCSE, 2007, p. 2). 4. Attendance and Academic Performance National Center for Children in Poverty data found that chronic absences in kindergarten is associated with lower academic performance in first grade, especially among Latino children (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 8). The negative correlation applies regardless of gender, ethnicity, or socio-economic status (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 8). Among poor children, chronic absence in kindergarten predicts the lowest levels of educational achievement at the end of fifth grade (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 8). Consistently attending schools is especially important for children from families who are less likely to have resources for children to make up for lost classroom time (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 8). The study of Stearns et al. (2007) provides evidence that good attendance in the elementary years is correlated with academic performance in high school. In particular, Stearns et al. (2007, p. 210) found out that students who repeat a grade prior to high school have a higher risk of dropping out of school. Further, the study of Stearns et al. (2007, p. 210) indicate that resources plays a role but hold different levels of importance for retention and dropping out among whites, blacks and Latino students. 5. Factors Affecting Attendance and Changing Behavior According to Chang and Romero (2008, p. 5), several factors are often simultaneously at work when chronic early absences from school occurs and these factors can be found in the schools, families and communities. Some of the factors that are being looked at are as follows (Chang and Romero, 2008, p. 11-17): Schools sometimes do not communicate the importance of regular attendance to parents in the parents’ home language and “in culturally appropriate ways”. In particular, schools lack Spanish-speaking school personnel who can reach out to Latino families. Schools sometimes do not monitor absences and contact families when children miss school for an extended period. Schools sometimes do not have high quality and engaging educational experience. Chronic absences can result from ineffective teaching, high rates of teacher turnover or absenteeism, classroom chaos or bullying in the school premises. Families may not be aware of the adverse impact of chronic absenteeism from school. For instance, families may not be aware that attendance in kindergarten also matters as kindergarten is often seen as a transition rather than the beginning of formal schooling. Some American families are poor and lack the resources to ensure that their children regularly attend school. The resource lack can be in terms of reliable transportation, nutritious food, and access to health care. Parents may be simply physically exhausted to get their children dressed, fed, and taken to school when working night shifts and having multiple jobs. Studies also found that children were too embarrassed to go to school because they do not have clean or suitable clothing or the appropriate shoes or coats to endure rain or snow. According to the National Center for Children in Poverty, children from families living in poverty are four times likely to be chronically absent than children from families earning at least 300 percent of the federal poverty level. Among first grade elementary students, children from families in poverty are 3.6 times more likely to be chronically absent than the children from affluent families. Family mobility may be a factor because national data show that one of six children has attended three or more schools by the time he/she has completed third grade. Some families may be less able to manage illness among children. Parents’ health can be a factor because absenteeism significantly increases when children rate their parents to be in poor health. Some families have a history of negative experiences with education especially when parents experienced failure in schools themselves. The extent of community distress can be a factor that promotes absenteeism because of the lack or absence of role models for children. A community is considered distressed when its population has at least three of the following four characteristics: high poverty rate, high number of single mothers, high concentration of high school dropouts, and high rate of unemployed working-age males (34% or higher). Community violence can be a factor for absenteeism because the combination of infant mortality, child/adolescent deaths, and juvenile violent deaths is 140% higher in areas with chronic absenteeism. Although family, community, and school play a very important role in promoting attendance, it is highly likely that teachers play a pivotal role in promoting attendance. The study of Hallinan (2007, p. 271) shows that “students who like school have higher academic achievement and a lower incidence of disciplinary problems, absenteeism, truancy, and cropping than those who dislike school”. Thus, Hallinan argued (2007, p. 271) that one way to improve student’s liking for school is through the teachers and Hallinan study has shown that teachers’ characteristics can have positive effect in shaping student’s feelings about school. Halliman’ study estimate cross-sectional and longitudinal models of teachers’ influence on student feelings about school from elementary and high schools students in public and catholic schools in Chicago and found that “students who perceive that their teachers care about them, respect them, and praise them are more apt to like school than are those who do not, but that teachers’ expectations for students’ achievement have a negligible effect on whether students like school” (2007, p. 271). 6. The Truancy Literature A problem that is deeply associated with chronic absenteeism is habitual truancy. Habitual truancy is defined as unexcused school absences by a minor exceeding the number of allowed under State law (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 2). Each State usually has its own school attendance laws that specify the age when he/she must begin school, the age in which the young can legally drop out of school, and the number of unexcused absences that is considered truancy (Yeide and Kobrin, 2008, p. 2). In all of the States of the United States, however, truancy is a status offense or that the status is the offense itself rather than the act (Yeide and Kobrin, 2008, p. 2). As for the age in which compulsory education is required, most states require that students must be in school until they are 16 years old but a number has risen the age to 17 or 18 (NCSE, 2007, p. 2). In 2007, the National Center for School Engagement does not have an estimate of the incidence of truancy but it estimated that the number of truancy cases increased 92% from about 20,000 in 1987 to 40,000 in 1996 (NCSE, 2007, p. 2-3). According to the NCSE (2007, p. 3), the same data set indicate that the rate of truancy petitions per 1,000 people aged 10 or older increased 97% among black youngsters, 70% among white youngsters, and by 11% among youngsters of other races. One important factor for truancy among the young is homelessness (NCSE, 2007, p. 4). Further, according to the data reviewed by NCSE (2007, p. 5), 87% of truants served by the Truancy Reduction Demonstration Program were qualified for free or reduced lunch, indicating that many of the truants come from the poor or those affected by poverty. Further, around 36 percent lived with only one adult in the home, indicating that the truant may not be getting the adequate attention from adults especially when the adult has to work (NCSE, 2007, p. 5). Worst, 20 percent of the truants lived with no working adult in the home, indicating the quality of life that the truants have been living (NCSE, 2007, p. 5). The record of 17,000 children in foster care reveals heart-breaking figures: 76.2% before foster care and 77.7% afterward (NCSE, 2007, p. 6). In reviewing the literature on truancy, Yeide and Kobrin (2009, p. 4-5) pointed out based on studies done by other writers and scholars the following: Truancy is a warning sign that a young person is headed for delinquent activity. There is a strong link between truancy and substance use. High truancy and absence rate negatively affect school achievement. Several studies provide evidence that crime and delinquency rates drop when truancy is low. Truancy reduction can save public funds: dropouts require expenditures for social services and criminal justice processes than do graduates. Each dropout cost society between $188,086 and $297,188. Truants who have grown to adulthood have poor physical and mental health, work in low paying jobs, live in poverty, utilize the welfare system extensively, tend to have children with problem behaviors, and are vulnerable from being incarcerated. Several studies show that factors for truancy include school, family and community factors and student factors (Yeide and Kobrin, 2008, p. 6). The school factors include weak attendance policies, poor record keeping, lack of system to inform parents and guardians of children’s absence from school, unsafe school environment, poor school climate, poor relations with teachers, and failure of the schools to identify special education needs (Yeide and Kobrin, 2008, p. 6). The family and community factors include peer influences, the presence or absence of programs that encourage students to stay home and help the family, child abuse and neglect, teen pregnancy or parenthood, presence or absence of family support for goals, exposure to violence, and family/community attitudes to education (Yeide and Kobrin, 2008, p. 6). As for the student factors for truancy, these factors include ambition, academic performance, low attachment for the school, depth of relationship with co-students, gang involvement, self-esteem, unmet mental health needs, and alcohol and drug use (Yeide and Kobrin, 2008, p. 6). Identifying and monitoring the problem of truancy, however, can be difficult because it s often difficult to distinguish legitimate and fraudulent excuse for school absence (NCSE, 2007, p. 1-2). Further, the accuracy of school attendance record is also a function of the accuracy of attendance setting (NCSE, 2007, p. 1). 7. Approaches To Improving Attendance at the Elementary Level In 2004, Davison et al. (2004) recommended key concepts for reducing gaps in education but question of school attendance was not given attention. In the view of Davison et al. (2004, p. 759-760), early education must focus on preventing gaps in education from emerging while K-12 education must focus on the closing the gaps. Davidson et al. (2004, p. 760) argued, “The small positive correlation between attendance and achievement indicates that lower-achieving students actually attend slightly less than their higher-achieving peers”. In other words, the higher achievers achieved only slightly because both the low achievers and the high achievers were not attending school as they should. Nevertheless, Davison et al. (2004) have upheld the importance of attendance in education. Davison et al. (2004, p. 760) even stressed that gaps in education for races and across income groups should be closed by having additional instructional time outside of the regular school day. Thus, instead of being arguments on the lack of importance of attendance, Davison and colleagues (2004, p. 760) have interpreted their findings to mean that school attendance continues to important even if empirically the positive correlation are not immediately found. The Chang and Romero (2008, p. 18-25) recommendations to promote attendance in school among children: Adopt a common definition of chronic absence (the definition adopted by Chang and Romero is an absenteeism rate of 11% out of total school days of 180). Monitor chronic absence. Examine data on chronic early absence as the basis for developing intervention programs on chronic absenteeism among the young. Obtain background information on basic school and community conditions to assess the variables that may be linked with absenteeism among elementary students in specific localities. Contact students and their families when they are absent for am extended period. Conduct early school success focus group discussion among stakeholders covering parents, student, school staff, teachers, support personnel, social workers, school nurses, and staff of community agencies to study deeper early school experiences. To understand the chronic absenteeism better for developing intervention programs, the focus group discussions should not be limited to the barriers to school attendance but should cover description of the overall situation under which the chronic absenteeism is taking place. Develop parent surveys, covering as well the parents’ experiences in school attendance. Remember to translate surveys if the school serves a large number of families whose primary or main language is not English. Develop a comprehensive approach for overcoming chronic absenteeism through strong school and community partnership and mobilizing parents. Develop home visitation programs. Ensure children’s access to preventive health care covering immunization and vision, dental, hearing, and assessments for developmental delay. Interact and engage with families in their children’s education and start with parent teachers’ relationship on this matter. Educate parents on their role in children’s education: promoting attendance and establishing home environments supportive to children’s education, two-way exchanges about school programs, volunteering to help at school, and supporting learning at home activities. Encourage families to help each other attending school. For example, this can take the form of mutual help in drop-offs and pick-ups. Coordinate with public agencies and, if needed, respond to needs of families in crisis, including possible legal needs especially when violence is involved. Attendance in school is, of course, linked with truancy. Based on review of literature, Yeide and Kobrin (2009, p. 8), identified that the following are important points to consider in developing anti-truancy programs: View children within the context of their families. Deal with families as parts of their neighborhoods and communities. Have a long-term preventive orientation. Be well-managed by competent and committed individuals with clear skills. Staffing should be manned by well-trained men and women and must be strongly supported to provide high quality and responsive services. The programs should operate in settings that encourage practitioners to build strong relationship based on mutual trust and respect. At the same time, the literature also show that anti-truancy programs with the following characteristics are most promising in delivering results (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 9, based on the study of Baker, Sigmon, and Nugent): Involvement of parents; Meaningful sanctions for truancy; Meaningful incentives for attendance; and Involvement of community and mobilization of their resources. Current school-based programs to combat truancy have emphasized on early detection before the truancy reach a chronic level (Yeide and Kobrin 2009, p. 11). Another area of emphasis is on outreach to the families of potential or actual truants. (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 11). The stress of the outreach programs is to hold students and their guardians accountable for truancy and if attendance problems continue, the assistance of the deputy district attorney is sought (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 11). Current community-based programs to combat truancy organize stakeholder participation to combat truancy through anti-truancy cooperative, interagency program, drawing from various agencies that include schools, mental health and social services agencies, law enforcement agencies, the courts, and other stakeholders as well (Yeide and Kobrin 2009, p. 12). However, one community-based anti-truancy program has taken a slightly different track. The New Jersey Juvenile/Family Crisis Intervention Units provide short-term crisis intervention services “with the goal of stabilizing family situation and/or referring the juvenile and family to available community agencies” (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 12). Unfortunately, rigorous data on the effectiveness of the school and community programs described are not yet available or inadequate (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 13). Further, a number of community programs have been ineffective, according to Yeide and Kobrin (2009, p. 13). Multiple programs exist that have insufficient evidence of being effective (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 13). One strategy that was found to be really ineffective in reducing truancy includes the “solution-focused group intervention” and “financial sanction” (Yeide and Kobrin, 2009, p. 13). In 2000, the Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau has identified the following as some of the best practices in truancy reduction (p. 7-14): The mobilization of school boards for defining unexcused absences that can be basis for monitoring truancy; Utilizing school attendance policies to combat truancy; The use of municipal truancy ordinances as a weapon for combating truancy; The creation of inter-agency anti-truancy programs, including a multi-agency truancy abatement centers; In Wisconsin, for example, truancy was defined before 1997 as “a student who missed part or all of five days in ten consecutive days, or part or all of ten days in a semester” but was redefined in 1997 as “a student who misses part or all of five days in a semester” (Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau, 2000, p. 10). The sanction for parents or guardians of truants is a fine of up to $500 and/or imprisonment of up to 30 days before 1997 but was modified into heavier fines of $1,000 and/or imprisonment of up to 90 days (Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau, 2000, p. 10). Unlike other US states, Wisconsin is the “only Midwestern state that specifically permits the creation of ordinances against both simple and habitual truancy” (Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau, 2000, p. 11). As of 2000 only Wisconsin, Illinois and Minnesota defined habitual truancy in state statues. In recent years, the redefinition and legislation failed to arrest the increase of “habitual truants” but the Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau (2000, p. 11) has attributed the increase to the expanded definition of “habitual truancy” and not really to a real increase. In Wisconsin, unlike perhaps in other states, there is an explicit recognition that truancy can result from a situation in which the older children have to take care of the younger siblings as well as to other factors like doing poorly in classes (Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau, 2000, p. 13). Meanwhile, we are unable to compare how coercive measures against truancy and absenteeism would fare against non-coercive measures such as extra learning or catch-up classes, daycare support, and truancy abatement programs. Nevertheless, it appears reasonable to assume that a combination of them would probably work subject to confirmation or disconfirmation by empirical studies. It is also interesting to note that some states have adopted immunization and primary care strategies to be integral parts of their anti-truancy and school attendance promotion programs. Because truancy and chronic absenteeism can emerge from a variety of causes, it is reasonable to assume that some of the truancy or absenteeism can be cured by a reward approach while others can addressed by a coercive approach like fines and punishment. References Chang, H. and Romero, M. (2008). Present, engaged, and accounted for: The critical importance of addressing chronic absence in the early grades. Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University: National Center for Children in Poverty. Davidson, M., Seo, Y., Davenport, E., and Butterbaugh. (2010). When do children fall behind. What can be done? The Phi Delta Kappan, 85 (10), 752-761. Hallinan, M. (2008). Teacher influences on student’s attachment to school. Sociology of Education, 81 (3), 271-283. Wisconsin Legislative Audit Bureau. (2000). A best practices review: Truancy reduction efforts. Madison: Legislative Audit Bureau. NCSE. (2007). Pieces of the truancy jigsaw: A literature review. Denver: National Center for School Engagement, Colorado Foundation for Families and Children. Stearns, E., Moller, S., Blau, J., and Ptochnick, S. (2007). Staying back and dropping out: The relationship between grade retention and school dropout. Sociology of Education, 80 (3), 210-240. USDE. (2002). No child left behind. Washington: Office of the Under Secretary, United States Department of Education. Yeide, M. and Kobrin, M. (2009). Truancy literature review. Washington: US Department of Justice. Read More
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